“It’s a terror machine
Manuel Cristopher Figuera lived in the eye of the hurricane of Venezuelan power, a deserter from the government of Nicolás Maduro but a Chavista at heart, as he said on several occasions. Former director of the Bolivarian National Intelligence Service (Sebin), Venezuela’s feared intelligence agencyFiguera was a key figure in the regime’s repressive apparatus, until he decided to break ranks in 2019 and support the uprising against Maduro.
His defection shocked the world, revealing deep fissures within Venezuelan power and exposing the internal struggle for survival of a beleaguered regime. For security reasons, he did not want to reveal where he lives.
Figuera is not a man of easy extremes: he received military training in Cuba and Belarus, and was educated in the strictest security methods. Although reports have been published of human rights violations during his administration, he denies them, claiming that under his leadership there were no verifiable complaints and that he tried to reform the Sebin to improve respect for fundamental freedoms.
For some, he is a traitor; for others, a man who finally chose the path of truth and justice. In dialogue with The Nation, from Argentina, Figuera described how, from the security apparatus, He tried to resist unjust orders and denounced the repressive practices that, according to him, are dictated directly by Maduro.
He explained the functioning of the regime’s repressive apparatus, which according to the report published by the UN on Tuesday reached a critical point after the elections.with an increase in arbitrary arrests, forced disappearances and torture aimed at silencing dissent.
—Based on your experience as former director of Sebin, how would you describe the functioning of the repressive apparatus in Venezuela?
—At this moment it is a machine of terror, persecution and death, whose leaders are at the service of Nicolás Maduro. They use all the resources, means and capabilities of that and other organizations to keep him in power at any cost.
—Who are the key decision-makers regarding the repression and persecution of opponents?
—Nicolás Maduro is the one responsible and the one who gives the orders; he himself has said so.
—How has repression in Venezuela evolved from 2014 to the present?
—It has evolved by leaps and bounds. Citizens have been betrayed by the failure to keep electoral promises and have been systematically denied the possibility of making a political change through peaceful means. Nicolás Maduro has taken refuge in a corrupt Armed Forces and police force, as well as in intelligence and counterintelligence agencies that act as armies of occupation against his own people. He has also allied himself with national and foreign criminal groups, turning the State into a criminal State where State terrorism is applied in its maximum expression. He has gone so far as to imprison journalists and communicators for reporting the truth, close down media outlets and block social networks to keep citizens misinformed and isolated.
—What role do colectivos and other paramilitary groups currently play in the repression in Venezuela?
—The collectives now operate jointly with security agencies and are equipped and trained by them. They also operate outside Venezuelan borders and are involved in crimes such as the murder of Lieutenant Ronald Ojeda in Chile. These groups have alliances with guerrillas such as the FARC and the ELN in Colombia, who kidnap Venezuelan citizens who oppose them and hand them over to the repressive forces of Nicolás Maduro.
—Have you noticed a change in tactics or in the intensity of the use of force against protesters and opponents?
—Of course there have been significant changes both in the use of force and its intensity against the protesting population. The right to protest is violated and when they are unjustly detained they are routinely and systematically denied due process. Everything is ordered by Nicolás Maduro, and some unscrupulous high-ranking officials act on their own, generating social chaos that benefits the ruling class.
—When you took over the leadership of Sebin, what were the first measures you took?
—On October 30, 2018, I ordered the immediate removal from office of officials accused of human rights violations. I also initiated a series of specific actions to ensure that there was no torture or inhuman treatment under my administration.
—What motivated you to take these measures against the use of torture and other inhuman treatment in the Sebin?
—As a Venezuelan government official with the rank of Major General, and having worked as director of the Strategic Center for Security and Protection of the Homeland (Cesppa), I learned about the conditions of detention at Sebin through media reports. I was particularly shocked by the death of Councilman Fernando Albán while in custody. In addition, I was aware of the constant complaints from the relatives of those detained, which led me to make recommendations to counteract these practices with relevant investigations and administrative and judicial actions.
Fernando Albán was a Venezuelan councillor and opposition activist from the Primero Justicia party, a critic of the government of Nicolás Maduro. In October 2018, while being held at the Sebin headquarters, Albán died under suspicious circumstances. According to the official version of the Venezuelan government, he committed suicide by jumping from the tenth floor of the Sebin building. However, this version was widely questioned by members of the opposition, human rights organisations and international observers, who suspect that Albán was subjected to torture and murdered while in custody.
—Could you explain how you organized your management to improve the situation at Sebin after taking office?
—Upon my appointment, I immediately requested a specific summary of the available reports on the status of the proceedings and the conditions of detention, from both governmental and non-governmental sources. This information was compiled by Major Jesús García Hernández. I then summoned the head of Investigations at Sebin, Commissioner Carlos Calderón, to provide me with an updated report on the conditions of detention and details of the detainees. It should be noted that Calderón was the first person I dismissed.
—What specific steps did you take in response to these reports?
—I ordered an internal investigation into the death of councillor Fernando Albán, who was murdered at the headquarters of the Sebin before my arrival. I immediately suspended payments to the law firm that was defending the officials involved in his death.
I personally inspected the detention areas and ordered a plan to adapt the spaces to improve the conditions of confinement. I recommended alternative freedom measures for those prisoners with a final sentence and managed the release of people who had court orders for release. I coordinated with the Supreme Court of Justice and the Ministry of Penitentiary Services to carry out procedural speed-up sessions and review cases of violations of due process. I organized medical sessions for prisoners, especially for those most vulnerable due to their health. I personally met with the detainees who requested it and worked to change the abusive culture of the SEBIN staff through workshops on respect for human rights.
—Was there any resistance or challenges in implementing these actions?
—Yes, I faced significant resistance. Nicolás Maduro explicitly ordered that some of my recommendations not be implemented, and in other cases asked me not to document certain actions in writing. In addition, some officials continued abusive practices, which further complicated my tenure.
—How did you deal with orders from Nicolás Maduro that you considered unfair or illegal?
—I always demanded the accompaniment of the Public Prosecutor’s Office and refused to act without prior investigation or without court orders. For example, when I was ordered to arbitrarily detain the opposition leader Roberto Eugenio Marrero Borjas, I refused to carry it out without the necessary evidence. In response, Nicolás Maduro instructed the DGCIM to create a simulation of a crime to justify the arrest. detention.
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